Can somebody send this link to Wikipedia’s entry on deadweight loss to the Obama campaign (and the McCain campaign too)? This is one of the reasons why there is no such thing as a magic energy pony that is going to allow us to “end our dependence on Middle Eastern oil.” And please spare me the complete bravo sierra about creating millions of “new” jobs.
I share James’ view that the first part of the speech could have been delivered by any previous candidate. About the only place the speech differed is that Obama is clearly a more gifted public speaker than Kerry or even Gore. The speech is the same old stuff we’ve heard before. There are more people unemployed, income is down, more people don’t have health care than before Bush, and elect me and I’ll make the economy dance like a puppeteer makes a marionette dance. And since you are part of the economy I’ll make you dance too. Meh. No thanks.
And I’m getting so sick of hearing this magic energy pony (using James’ term). If it was the case that these technologies could generate profits right now then firms would be entering these new markets. Even if, as Dave Schuler pointed out, that firms are holding back in the expectation that the government will subsidize initial investments, this only points out the perversion of government involvement in the economy. The government has to subsidize even profitable industries?
And what is this nonsense that a firm has a responsibility to employ people. I’m sorry, but a firm exists for the purpose of generating profits. No profits, no firm and no employment. And what exactly are the “rules of the road” for a firm? To sacrifice profitability for workers welfare? Do that long enough and soon there wont be a firm to employ the workers. And what about the responsibility of people to fend for themselves, make the right decisions and not expect government to bail them out? I guess that is too much to ask. If you keep bailing people out, then you will keep having people make bad decisions. After all the downside has been reduced or even eliminated. Have too many kids, no problem we’ll increase taxes on those who didn’t. Can’t afford or decide not to have health care? No problem we’ll increase taxes on those who can?
And what is it with this “each of us has the freedom to make of our lives what we will…” baloney? If I make the right decision and don’t treat my house like an ATM machine getting home equity loan after home equity loan to fund trips and large ticket purchases. If I don’t try to get a house that is beyond my means to afford and also made sure to lock in at a good interest rate why should I be punished if some other bonehead down the street doesn’t? How come I have to stop making of my life what I will to help the fool? Yes it is nice to be compassionate and help out others, but just because I made smart decisions doesn’t mean I am in a position to help others. But here comes Barack Obama telling me I have to help these people whether I can afford to or not.
This is the same old mealy-mouthed crap we’ve gotten in the past. Do Democrats understand the problems of incentives? I’m pretty sure they do which makes all of this kind of blather rather cynical and manipulative.
arack Obama’s speech accepting the Democratic presidential nomination was . . . long. Too long.
The last fifteen or twenty minutes of it, when he went into preacher mode and talked of unity and reconciliation and change and such, were uplifting and solid political theater. Whether it’ll meet the ridiculously high expectations that he had coming in — and which he amplified by moving it to a sporting arena rather than staying in the convention hall — we’ll see.
The irony of the speech, though, is that the talk of a new politics followed forty minutes or more of a speech that, with some minor biographical edits and obligatory references to current events, could have been delivered by any Democratic presidential nominee in my memory. I’ve watched all of them since Jimmy Carter’s 1980 convention and they’ve all, with the possible exception of Bill Clinton’s re-election campaign in 1996, had the same theme: the country’s going to hell in a handbasket but, don’t worry, I’ll fix everything that ails you — even if it’s not remotely within the scope of federal authority — and pay for it by taxes on the top 5 percent, greedy corporations, and ending trade with foreign countries. Oh, and the magic energy pony will end our dependence on foreign oil, too!
The first rock concert I ever went to was Men At Work in August, 1983. INXS opened up for them. I enjoyed the whole show, of course, but I don’t need to tell you which band was objectively better. I saw them again on the post-TV show tour a couple of years ago. They were still fun, but it just wasn’t the same.
The McCain team spent the day touting a commerical spot that they’ll be running during and around Barack Obama’s acceptance speech tonight. The ad, named “Convention Night,” turns out to be a nice one:
Senator Obama, this is truly a good day for America.
Too often the achievements of our opponents go unnoticed. So I wanted to stop and say, congratulations.
How perfect that your nomination would come on this historic day. Tomorrow, we’ll be back at it. But tonight Senator, job well done.
In the first poll since the start of the Democratic convention, Gallup gives Barack Obama what RealClearPolitics calls “a big bounce,” taking a six point lead over his rival, John McCain.
Democratic candidate Barack Obama has gained ground in the latest Gallup Poll Daily tracking average from Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, and now leads Republican John McCain among registered voters by a 48% to 42% margin.
The latest three-day Gallup Poll Daily tracking average (Aug. 25-27) is directly coincident with the first three days of the Democratic National Convention in Denver, and is no doubt beginning to reflect the typical convention “bounce” that Gallup has observed in most party conventions in recent decades.
Another way of looking at the same data is that the race continues to be a tie fluctuating within the range of normal sampling error:
Indeed, the only other national poll conducted during this period, Rasmussen’s, shows Obama and McCain tied 47-47. And, unlike Gallup, Rasmussen samples likely voters rather than mere registered voters.
Now, I fully expect Obama to get a bounce here, probably in the range of 4-5 percent. Thus far, though, there’s no evidence that it’s happened.
My colleague Tom Traina is looking ahead to the fall and scoping out some potential Supreme Court nominees for both Obama and McCain. He also points out that, as kind of a nature of the beast, you can’t always predict what kind of Justice a nominee will turn into:
Frequently, the appointment of justices is an attempt to fix a current political problem that just winds up resulting in three more political problems over the next couple of decades. Perhaps there is no better example of this than Richard Nixon’s attempts to overturn the “liberal” Warren Court through the appointments of Justices Burger, Blackmun, Powell, and Rehnquist. Most of the hallmark opinions of the Warren Court are still good law today, and it was the Burger court that decided the controversial case Roe v. Wade. In this sense, Nixon’s appointments were a failure.
[...]
On the other side of the spectrum, liberal darling John F. Kennedy appointed Byron White to the Supreme Court. White was known for opposing the doctrine of substantive due process, specifically the idea of a right to privacy. He dissented from Roe v. Wade and argued, along with Justice Rehnquist, that Federal anti-discrimination laws did not prohibit private schools from segregating by race. As you may suspect, White is not considered a liberal darling.
I think that’s right and it’s always something to keep in mind when it comes to Supreme Court nominees. Personally, I’m pretty sure that I would not have strong opinions about either John McCain’s or Barack Obama’s nominees, so it’s not a particularly big difference to worry about when it comes to the candidates. Which is not to say its unimportant who they choose, it’s just that I am not sure it makes a difference from my own peculiar ideas of jurisprudence.
John McCain got to where he is — the presumptive nominee of the Republican Party for president — by building a reputation as a straight shooting maverick. While part of that was always more mythical than real, a key part of building the mythos was his unprecedented access to reporters and, briefly, even bloggers.
Now, he’s changed strategies and the people who he once called “his base” are fighting back. See, for example, “McCain’s Prickly TIME Interview.”
And so when TIME’s James Carney and Michael Scherer were invited to the front of McCain’s plane recently for an interview, they were ushered forward, past the curtain that now separates reporters from the candidate, past the sofa that was designed for his gabfests with the press and taken straight to the candidate’s seat. McCain at first seemed happy enough to do the interview. But his mood quickly soured. The McCain on display in the 24-minute interview was prickly, at times abrasive, and determined not to stray off message. An excerpt:
What do you want voters to know coming out of the Republican Convention — about you, about your candidacy?
I’m prepared to be President of the United States, and I’ll put my country first.
There’s a theme that recurs in your books and your speeches, both about putting country first but also about honor. I wonder if you could define honor for us?
Read it in my books.
I’ve read your books.
No, I’m not going to define it.
But honor in politics?
I defined it in five books. Read my books.
[Your] campaign today is more disciplined, more traditional, more aggressive. From your point of view, why the change?
I will do as much as we possibly can do to provide as much access to the press as possible.
But beyond the press, sir, just in terms of …
I think we’re running a fine campaign, and this is where we are.
Do you miss the old way of doing it?
I don’t know what you’re talking about.
Really? Come on, Senator.
I’ll provide as much access as possible …
In 2000, after the primaries, you went back to South Carolina to talk about what you felt was a mistake you had made on the Confederate flag. Is there anything so far about this campaign that you wish you could take back or you might revisit when it’s over? [Does not answer.]
Do I know you? [Says with a laugh.] [Long pause.] I’m very happy with the way our campaign has been conducted, and I am very pleased and humbled to have the nomination of the Republican Party.
You do acknowledge there was a change in the campaign, in the way you had run the campaign? [Shakes his head.] (All bolds, italics, etc. in original. )
Now, this might just have been a bad day. Perhaps he’s usually much more cheerful and forthcoming than this, or perhaps Carney and Scherer did something to set him off, or whatever. But there’s not much doubt that McCain — and Obama, too, for that matter — have succumbed to run of the mill campaign strategies after winning their nomination processes by being something other than that.
For example, McCain had numerous conference calls with bloggers where all comers were allowed to ask anything they wanted with essentially unlimited follow-ups. I myself have been priviledged to engage McCain in back-and-forth banter lasting several minutes on more than one occasion. This had the same effect on skeptical bloggers as it did the mainstream press: humanizing the candidate and making us more forgiving of the occasional gaffe and policy disagreement.
Now, I never expected that would continue once he became the nominee. The man’s too busy now and has to focus his attention on swing voters, battleground states, and all that. He just can’t spare an hour every couple of weeks to talk to bloggers.
At the same time, though, I never thought he’d go into bunker mode, either. The questions in the TIME interview above — and, again, I don’t know the full context here — are softballs. He should have been knocking those out of the park rather than getting indignant. “Read my books”? Seriously?
He’s built up a lot of capital with the national press corps. (Many Democrats are annoyed by this but, as I’ve noted many times, there’s nothing stopping Obama and company from giving comparable access.) But, as McCain himself has noted, suddenly withdrawing that access after having gotten the media accustomed to it would be unwise. Indeed, the TIME piece uses that famous quote:
You think I could survive if I didn’t? We’d never be forgiven … I’d have to hire a food taster, somebody to start my car in the morning.
A much more famous quote, popular a quarter century ago, was “Let Reagan be Reagan.” If John McCain is going to win this thing, he’s going to have to do it as John McCain.
DUSHANBE, Tajikistan - China and several Central Asian nations rebuffed Russia’s hopes of international support for its actions in Georgia, issuing a statement Thursday denouncing the use of force and calling for respect for every country’s territorial integrity.
A joint declaration from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization also offered some support for Russia’s “active role in promoting peace” following a cease-fire, but overall it appeared to increase Moscow’s international isolation.
and the EU continues to be unamused by the situation in Georgia:
France, meanwhile, said the European Union was considering imposing sanctions against Russia.
“Sanctions are being considered … and many other means as well,” French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said at a news conference in Paris. He did not elaborate.
More than one of the members of the SCO has their own potentially separatist provinces so they tend to take the issue of support for separatist movements seriously. Also, some Central Asian countries have benefited from Western FDI and are cautious about taking steps that could chill the investment environment or make them potential targets for sanctions.
Russia did not seek the approval of any regional body–the CIS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, but it will be interesting to see whether the SCO summit this week produces any sort of retroactive endorsement.
The SCO has produced no retroactive endorsement and Russia has become further internationally isolated.